Gender and Class Position and Began to 2 5 8 J O U R N a L O F L a T I N a M E R I C a N a N

wear more ‘‘class appropriate’’ attire (described as a skirt and high heeled shoes), as opposed to more comfortable ‘‘island attire’’ (120). She calls this ‘‘cross dressing across class’’ (119). Readers are also privy to her self-actualization as she chooses to draw upon the strength of other black women feminists such as Angela Davis and Audre Lorde to address her fears as a woman in patriarchal Jamaica. This gives rise to her gendered, ethnographic ‘‘tuffness,’’ something akin towhat she observes so many native Jamaican women, including ICIs, performing on a daily basis (187). Ulysse argues that the dissertation on which this book is based served as a form of activism. As an example of that activism, she chose to include only one small hand-drawn picture in the entire ethnography. This is a geographical sketch of the island of Jamaica (161). There are no other photos or illustrations inside or outside the book. During a book signing engagement, Ulysse stated it was her goal, and should be the goal of all ethnography, to attempt to educate and dispel stereotypes by providing the reader with enough accurate information to encourage them to create their own visuals. She argued that photographs and pictures would not lend to this educational experience and would also further the visual stereotypes of the Caribbean ‘‘market woman.’’ Even if it does not lead to the abandonment of photographs andother visuals as compliments to ethnographic texts, this remarkable and engaged ethnography should be required reading for anthropologists and anthropologists-in-training, in particular those contemplating their ‘‘nativeness’’ in respect to their ethnographic research. It will be especially important for those with an interest in Caribbean and gender studies and deeper considerations of fieldwork ethics, global inequalities, and the ongoing efforts of decolonization through ethnography.